Der amerikanische Anthropologieprofessor Bruce Whitehouse, LEHIGH University Pennsylvania lebte und lehrte ein Jahr in Bamako. Das Blog BRIDGES FROM BAMAKO richtete er 2011 ein und führt es nach seiner Rückkehr im Juni 2012 sporadisch weiter.
Hier führt er ein Interview mit Gregory Mann, dem Autor des Buches „From Empires to NGOs in the West African Sahel“ (Von den alten reichen zu den NROs im westafrikanischen Sahel). Erschienen Ende 2014.
Gregory Mann ist Dozent an der historischen Fakultät der Columbia University New York und Experte für Geschichte des frankophonen Westafrika.
What Malis recent past reveals about its present woes, Part 1: The road to nongovernmentality
Bridges from Bamako – 18.03.2015
These days the sovereignty of the Malian state looks more hypothetical than ever. The governments control over its northern regions ranges from tenuous to nonexistent. Kidal has been firmly under the rule of Tuareg separatists for two years, while only the presence of French and UN troops prevents Gao and Timbuktu from falling back into the hands of the jihadists who occupied them for most of 2012. In Bamako, the treasury is heavily dependent on foreign aid, and public spending is subject to audits by the International Monetary Fund.
To consider how the Malian nation-building project reached this juncture, some observers might look back to previous, and ultimately unsuccessful, peace accords signed between the Malian government and northern rebels in 1992 and 2006. Others might look back to the strictures of neoliberalism that cut state budgets and sapped public faith in the Malian state from the 1980s. Historian Gregory Mann, in his new book From Empires to NGOs in the West African Sahel, looks back even further, to the very origins of the regions postcolonial states in the early 1960s. Examining the policies pursued by West African founders of independence affiliated with the pan-Africanist Rassemblement Democratique Africaine party (RDA), Mann traces the erosion of state sovereignty in the Sahel through what he calls a prehistory of neoliberal Africa focusing on the period from the 1960s and 70s before neoliberalism came into vogue.
While the book has an explicitly regional focus, it keeps Mali firmly at its center as it follows the evolution of postcolonial sovereignty in the Sahel through four areas: the emergence of nationalist political elites in the late 1950s; the implementation of state migration policies in the 1960s and 70s; the proliferation of nongovernmental humanitarian relief organizations during the droughts of the 1970s; and the success of nongovernmental human rights organizations, particularly Amnesty International, in raising public awareness about the treatment of political prisoners.
The following is excerpted from a recent interview with Professor Mann.
BfB: Your books subtitle is The road to nongovernmentality. How would you define nongovernmentality?
Gregory Mann: Its a phenomenon of governmental rationality in which the functions of government around the preservation of life increasingly get taken over by nongovernmental organizations and fall outside the realm of the states activities. So the idea of nongovernmentality does not necessarily take as its corollary that NGOs are hyper-powerful, or all-powerful. It simply observes that many functions of government, in the Foucauldian sense of husbanding and controlling the conditions of life, slip away from the state, are eschewed by it, or are pushed onto NGOs. And its important not to fall into a common logical fallacy that I myself was working under for a long time, that the rise of NGO power is at the cost of state power. In many ways the one can enable the other….Read post online
Part 2: Of chiefs, slaves, and paranoid nationalism
Bridges from Bamako – 25.03.2015
In this post, our discussion focuses on three areas of resonance between Malis present-day political tensions and those afflicting its accession to independence during the late 1950s and the early 1960s, when Modibo Keitas Union Soudanaise-Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (US-RDA) was in power.
BfB: In chapter 2 you describe how the US-RDA campaigned on a platform of undermining traditional authority, with the aim of centralizing power in a secular, modern state structure. Today were seeing pushback against that modernist approach, and the latest peace agreement being promoted would cede some power to traditional and Islamic authorities. Former Prime Minister Soumana Sako recently accused those who drafted the agreement as mounting a frontal assault against the Republic and an attempt to return it to the colonial order under which our People suffered so much. Reading this section of your book, I thought Aha, so this is where that comes from. How strong was the perception, back in the 1960s, that traditional authority and the modern state are like matter and anti-matter? Is that even a viable metaphor?
Gregory Mann: Thats a great metaphorI dont know if its one I would use in print, but I see exactly what you mean. What the US-RDA thought they were doing was pursuing an anticolonialist sort of emancipatory politics. In practice, what they ended up doing, by destroying the canton chieftaincy (the chefs de canton), they ripped out a whole middle stratum of the administration at the same they were setting forth a very ambitious, modernist set of goals. So in some sense their politics was absolutely coherent for the moment they had lived through in the 1950s and earlier, but it had unanticipated effects. …Read post online
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